SUMMARY

In "Human Rights and the Age of Inequality," Samuel Moyn tends to the emotional bungle between the populist emergency and the common liberties arrangement, which requires an enhancement as opposed to a substitute. He asserts that both the human rights movement and the regime are simply ill-equipped to deal with global inequality.

Moyn begins the essay with a parable about Croesus, the last king of Lydia. He tells the story of a wealthy king who believed he was the happiest of mortals. He wanted his people to remain content and free of all suffering, but he had a problem: he didn't want to invest his money to alleviate their suffering. He had accumulated funds for himself, which the Persian king Cyrus the Great and his army later managed shortly after his defeat. The writer connects what is going on with the cutting edge reality where imbalance exists and accessible means and assets are conveyed inconsistent. The essayist expresses that December 10 is praised as Common liberties Day each year' there is no any means sent for equivalent access of freedoms and property among rich and poor on the planet. There is only one way to get around all of these problems: distributive equality, but he finds that it is nearly impossible in real life. The author claims that there are two major stages involved in writing the history of political economy and human rights: The initial period was the heroic era of national welfare states following World War II. The second was the political economy climbed past the country during the 1940s.

In his State of the Union address, Franklin Roosevelt famously called for a "second Bill of Rights" that included socioeconomic protections, but he left out three crucial details: America's entry into the North Atlantic consensus as a province; promising to let go of need; and imagining it all over the world. After 1940, human rights suffered greatly due to favoritism and the subsequent cold war that divided the world into two groups—the US-led democratic nations and the USSR-led communist nations. In a similar way, postwar decolonization could not bring about the desired development and protection of human rights among nations because these states favored "national welfare" over egalitarian human rights.

Samuel Moyn portrays an issue of regardless of whether another basic freedoms development is vital and afterward refers to the case of truth and reality referenced in Herodotus' set of experiences which managed the requirement for rearrangement of worldwide financial equity under the strain from the rich to poor. Despite the fact that advocates for human rights make the argument that human rights guarantee equal freedom and rights for all people in written documents, they are actually not used in the real world. Until and unless this current economy and sociopolitical structure exists, humans will not receive original, fruitful freedom and truthful rights. Therefore, for an egalitarian society, a fair portion of the wealth and property distribution from rich to poor, redistribution of means and resources, the formulation and implementation of laws for a fair wealth distribution by the government, and massive and radical movements are all necessary. However, all of these things are impractical, inapplicable, and extremely difficult to take place in practice.

Most importantly, our destiny is analogous to that of Croesus' world, where the rich, like the colonizers under British rule, enjoy happiness, freedom, and everything to the fullest, while the poor live in an illusion of equality and freedom.

UNDERSTANDING THE TEXT

ANSWER THE QUESTIONS BELOW.

a. What was the first United Nations declaration on human rights?

Mobilization for economic and social rights was the first United Nations human rights declaration.

b. When is the celebration of Human Rights Day?

The date of Human Rights Day is December 10 each year.

c. What does the Universal Declaration of Human Rights aim to accomplish?

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights aims to provide a list of the most fundamental rights and values, such as fairness, dignity, equality, and respect, that people are entitled to because they are human. In addition, it seeks to establish the "foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world."

d. When writing the history of human rights in relation to the history of political economy, what are the two major stages?

The two major stages in creating the history of human rights and the history of politics are the new cold war era in 1948 and the glorious age of national welfare following World War II.

e. In Roosevelt's call for a "Second Bill of Rights," what facts have been overlooked?

Roosevelt's call for a "second Bill of Rights" misses the following facts:

First, it was America's typical tardy and timid entry into a North Atlantic consensus that had already been planned. Second, his most important promise was the end of "special privileges for the few," or a ceiling on inequality, rather than a floor of protection for the masses. Last but not least, Roosevelt had every right to hope that it would span the globe, but it was only organized nationally.

f. Write the truth that Herodotus tells in his stories.

In Herodotus's stories, the truth is that, like local socioeconomic justice, global socioeconomic justice would require a redistribution driven by fresh forms of legal activism from the wealthy to the poor.

g. What is the significance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to you?

Because it eliminates partiality, injustice, inequality, discrimination, and other forms of discrimination from society, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is important to me because it promotes the rights, justice, equality, and equity of all human beings.

REFERENCE TO THE CONTEXT

a. Does the essay offer strategies for stigmatizing inequality? Explain.

Although the essay "Human Rights and the Age of Inequality" discusses the stigmatization of inequality, it does not provide any specific suggestions for combating inequality. Ultimately, history suggests that they are not the right agents: not sufficiently scared to cause redistribution. Opponents will arise on occasion if inequality continues to rise in this way. As a result, ensuring social justice and equality is preferable. Social equality and liberation can be justified by starting a new kind of human rights movement for the benefit of the common people. Appropriate management and checking, backing of partners, ordering severe regulations, eliminating favoritism and keep up with equity and uniformity and so on are vital for the helpful sake of the every individual. Because it causes friction and conflict among individuals, inequality is regarded as a shame for society; consequently, it must be balanced appropriately.

b. Is a new movement for human rights required? Why?

Yes, another human rights movement is required because, as the essayist observes, human rights are constrained in human affairs by political suppression. For the following reasons, he anticipates another human rights movement in the coming days:

• It is discovered that powerful individuals are breaking the law.

• In human affairs, inequality has been contained.

• Favoritism and nepotism continue to exist.

• Law should take superiority.

• Hegemony in politics and society persists worldwide.

• Rights and laws are only written down, not put into practice.

• All people, rich or poor, upper class or lower class, need rights and justice.

REFERENCE BEYOND THE TEXT

a. What obstacles hinder the upkeep of human rights in Nepal?

Disparities in education, especially in rural areas, gender inequality in health care, violations of children's rights, nepotism, corruption, bribery, illiteracy, and people's ignorance, priority for personal gain or favor, a lack of a proper mechanism to systematize policies, a lack of effective strategies for enforcing the law, and other issues are the main obstacles to upholding human rights in Nepal